Globalization Has Rendered The State Powerless Politics Essay

Globalization Has Rendered The State Powerless Politics Essay Globalization is an accelerated global interconnectedness (Held et al., 1999). There are different descriptions of globalization and its impact on the state, generally dependent on the understanding of what the terms imply. The state can be defined as the sovereign authority in a specified territory, with the right to use force both to maintain internal order and to defend its territory against aggression (Lechner and Boli, 2008: 219). As national borders became more fluid, Finer (1999:79) determined that a state should be judged based on defence, internal law and order, law-making and taxation, public works and welfare, rights and citizenship. When any of these characteristics are threatened, the power of the state can be seen as diminished. The World Bank (quoted in CLMS, M5 U1: 2) defines globalization as an inevitable phenomenon in human history thats been bringing the world closer through the exchange of goods and products, information, knowledge and culture. Alternatively, glob alization can be considered a choice to encourage and benefit from the growing interdependence between states in their economic, social, cultural, technological and political agendas (Weiss, 1997). Some perceive it as domination by multinational corporations influencing peoples preferences as well as the national and global economy (Reinicke, 1998). This can reduce the authority of the state allowing greater conflict and unchecked corporate power. Others contend that globalization makes the state stronger by creating opportunities for prosperity, democracy and equality (The United Nations, 2001). The various perspectives determine how people view the relationship between globalization and the state (CLMS, M5 U1). Globalization challenges national sovereignty with rising international trade, capital flows and foreign direct investment (Pinder, 2011). Faster innovation, new technology, better communication and increasing deregulation give transnational corporations a wider array of options for production and distribution (Carayannis et al., 2012). Globalization enables international collaboration by allowing companies, organizations and individuals to voice their agenda without the involvement of the state (Mackay, 2004). According to Reinicke (1998), nation-states can choose how to respond to these developments. They can use market ideology to determine their international policies and provide the most favorable environment for business and investment. They can work with neighboring nations in order to standardize polices in a region like the European Union (Weiss, 1998). Some states advocate nationalism to protect their interests. Dominant forces like the United States, China and G8 can use t heir power to influence global policy to their advantage (Carayannis et al., 2012). However, there are also states that seek to democratize global governance (McGrew, 2004). We will consider three general schools of thought with regards to the impact of globalization on the state. Internationalists believe that the effects of globalization are greatly exaggerated and that the state has remained strong (Dunning, 1999), while globalists see globalization as the end of the nation state citing the fact that external developments influence national events and that territory is now irrelevant (Ohmae, 1995). Transformationalists posit that the nation state will not disappear completely but will alter the manner in which it functions in order to adapt to the changes wrought by globalization (Held et al., 1999). In this essay we will examine different aspects of globalization from a globalist, internationalist and transformationalist perspective and will see that while globalization has changed the structure of the state making it more flexible, the state still retains significant power. Globalists view globalization as an inevitable process immune to human interference and political entities like nation states (Ohmae, 1995). Pessimistic globalists consider the displacing of local culture in favor of more dominant cultures like those of America, Europe or Japan to be cultural imperialism (Mackay, 2004). They believe that immigration without assimilation is also undermining national culture (Hirst et al, 2009). A report from the Pew Hispanic Center says that about 51% of Hispanics in the United States of America (USA) identify themselves with their familys country of origin while about 21% identify themselves as American (Taylor, et al., 2012). Additionally, contemporary culture is driven by corporations. People have more in common with those they are connected with through technology across the world (Ohmae, 1995). For example, globalists see the international computer game community as one connected by a global product like Sony Playstation or Xbox irrespective of n ation state (Goggin, 2008). Media is no longer constrained by jurisdictional borders. This reduces the ability of local government to enforce their policies on culture or morality (Hirst et al, 2009). Technology has strengthened the flow of information and conversation that bypasses government control (Mackay, 2004). An open global forum can help people rise up against injustice or dictatorial governments or give the disadvantaged a more equal footing in todays free market (Cochrane and Pain, 2004). The infrastructures created by the internet and new technology help globalize services and manufacturing thereby shaking a critical foundation of a nation state which is territory (Mackay, 2004). The role of the state is being usurped more often by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) that respond to social needs on an international scale more effectively than the government. We see NGOs and the global civil society focus on issues like human rights, gender and wealth equality and environmental protection (McGrew, 2004). For example, the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) was established by NGOs and several companies to solve the problem of deforestation after government efforts failed (IISD, 2002). Additionally, the number of private security firms is increasing in proportion to the rising population, immigration and urban insecurity (McGrew, 2004). More people are employed by the private security industry in the United Kingdom than by their uniformed police force (Kobrin, 1999: 178). The nation state also does not have the authority to police international crime effectively. Privatizing parts of its administration and allowing supranational organizations to use its armed forc es are further examples of how the state is sharing its responsibilities (Hirst et al, 2009). Therefore, the states internal sovereignty, legitimacy as well as their enforcement and regulatory capabilities are vulnerable (Reinicke,1998). States may be seen to have lost their ability to govern themselves due to the influence of multinational corporations, organizations like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Trade Organisation (WTO) and the increasingly global market that limits the negotiating capability of individual states (CLMS, M5 U1). The WTO deals with global trade policies and this reduces some of the power that nation states have to influence trade through tariffs, subsidies, or other means. The European Union also promotes its own monetary and regulatory policies (Weiss, 1998). The legislation of member countries needs to reflect the principles of the supranational organization (Carayannis et al., 2012). While the purpose of these agreements is to limit a governments ability to adversely affect other countries, it does entail a loss of some national sovereignty (Pinder, 2011). Intervention by the IMF or the United Nations on an economic or military front can undermine a nations credibility, thus weakening its security and independence (McGrew, 2004). States are being pressured to support local interests and organizations in the face of global encroachment and challenges. They are also being encouraged by the international community to collaborate or comply with international mandates (Pinder, 2011). Several policies, like those regarding taxation or investment, are influenced by or have a significant impact on other countries (Carayannis et al., 2012). For example, according to a report issued by the IMF in 2001, the European Commission spends 2.7 billion euro a year to help European farmers profit from making sugar while imposing high tariffs to prevent low-cost imports of tropical sugar (IMF, 2001). Therefore, some policies and their consequences are not entirely in the states control (CLMS, M5 U1). Factors like transnational companies, outsourcing and division of labour diminish the states ability to enforce their regulations and laws in fear of investments and industry leaving the country (Ohmae, 1995). The international fina ncial market is a decisive factor in the economic policies of national government. The emphasis is on deregulation, dismantling the welfare state and reducing government involvement in the provision of goods and services. However, this could result in unfavorable environmental, worker and welfare policies (Pinder, 2011). Private companies like Moodys and Standard Poors wield tremendous power in evaluating a nations credibility and ability to repay its debts. Their credit assessment determines a nations access to capital and interest rates and is dependent on the health of that nations government (Hirst et al, 2009). Transnational organizations like IBM, Coco-Cola or Microsoft draw income from the host state as well as control some of its resources (Ohmae, 1995). Sourcing, processing, manufacturing, research and development, various administrative tasks and even management can all take place in different parts of the world resulting in a larger difference between political and economic borders and a decreasing importance of individual nations policies (Pinder, 2011). Ohmae (cited in CLMS, M5 U1) sees the lessened role of the state as a way to ensure that people can get the best the world has to offer and not be constrained by a government trying to protect certain industries or groups of people. Governments are finding it more difficult to implement policies that will allow for fairer redistribution of income and improve the quality of life of its citizens (Dunning, 1999). More countries are considering a flattened tax rate instead of a progressive system. By 2008, 24 nations including Russia, Hongkong and several Central and Eastern European nations had adopted a version of the flat tax (CFP, 2008). The growing number of multinational corporations (MNCs) and tax havens makes it easier for companies to shift funds across borders and more difficult for states to determine exactly where profits are made (Carayannis et al., 2012). The globalists conclude that all the essential functions of a nation state are negatively affected by globalization. In a borderless world, where deregulation is encouraged and the corporate agenda is dominant, states can no longer wield the authority they once had (Ohmae, 1995). MNCs, supranational organizations, NGOs and even subnational entities are usurping the roles of the state. When states cannot act independently to solve their domestic problems whether in regards to policy or even internal security, there is a definite lack of sovereignty (McGrew, 2004). On the other hand, internationalists and transformationalists firmly believe that the state has an important role despite globalization (Cochrane and Pain, 2004). Internationalists view the concerns of cultural imperialism as underestimating the local human dynamic (Mackay, 2004). For example, while gaming technology itself has spread worldwide, the popularity of games, whether action, sport or role playing, vary from nation to nation depending upon cultural preferences (Goggin, 2008). They also note that individual nations continue to exert a lot of power over media using licensing and regulatory frameworks (Mackay, 2004). For example, the Middle East and China heavily censor their media industry. Broadcast media is subject to regulation like the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) in the USA (Biagi, 2013). Several governments also have legislation that gives them control of the internet in emergencies like the 2003 Communications Act in The United Kingdom and the Protecting Cyb erspace as a National Asset Act in The United States. The importance of the G8/G20 in forming international policy and the continuing dissension between countries like the USA, Iran, North Korea and China highlight that nation states are still significant (Carayannis et al., 2012). In addition to market forces, internationalists consider factors like slow domestic economic growth, the end of the Cold war and the growth spurt of public sector enterprises in the 1950s and 1960s to have contributed to the diminished policy making ability of the states (Dunning,1999). Kurdle (1999) posits that the state still has the power to make its own policy and regulate the impact of the global financial market as it sees fit. Personal tax can be set at the states discretion and cannot be avoided easily by citizens. The state also has complete control over its immigration policy. Any lack of effectiveness in this area is mainly due to politics not capability (Kurdle, 1999). Dunning (1999) states that the policies of nation states do not have to be depe ndent or linked to those of other nation states. Country specific rules and policies are still necessary and effective since the majority of business is still domestic and new developments always require new regulations (The United Nations, 2001). The government may change and acquire new functions but this does not make it obsolete. Even though territorial borders are becoming more fluid, the government ensures that transaction costs are kept at an acceptable level (Carayannis et al., 2012). Dunning (1999) argues that states can choose what role they want to play. They can be the instigator, co-coordinator or they can even opt to resist globalization. Most states prefer to orchestrate by controlling the competition in their region. They can heavily tax businesses that they do not wish to support and subsidize the businesses that they want. While it is easy to assume that jobs go to where the wages are the lowest, Dunning (1999) reminds us that factors like infrastructure, training, productivity, health and education are the responsibility of the state and are used to attract businesses. States can ensure high standards of living, high quality workforce and goods as well as create an environment that supports entrepreneurship and innovation (McGrew, 2004). Conforming to international policies is a political choice and does not represent lack of sovereignty. Internationalists conclude that the role of states hasnt changed a great deal due to globalization. Governments can still have individualistic yet effective policies (Dunning, 1999). Supranational organizations do not have to be at odds with nation-states but can in fact support them. Their main contention is that globalization is not forced upon states but that states can choose how they involve themselves (Weiss, 1998). Transformationalists consider that aspects of globalization are more calculated and less inevitable (Cochrane and Pain, 2004). For example, video games have been designed incorporating the preferences of multiple nations in order to have global appeal (Goggin, 2008). Transformationalists also have a different point of view on the globalist claim of cultural imperialism. While culture is no longer limited by geographical boundaries, several products are tailored to suit the importing market. Audiences and consumers view them through their own cultural perspectives and absorb or transform it accordingly (Mackay, 2004). For example, global fast-food companies like Kentucky Fried Chicken and McDonalds cater to the regional market by incorporating local food preferences into their menu (Ritzer and Malone, 2001). Transformationalists place more importance on the individual and the nation-state rather than the unstoppable force of globalization. While transformationalists acknowledge the inherent challenges faced by states as a result of globalization, they contend that states are not static entities. They adapt and embrace new roles such as working closely with private institutions and international coalitions at both the regional and national level (Weiss, 1998). A country that chooses to integrate its economy with the global economy is aware of the constraints. However, this does not negate the states ability to tax or regulate. In fact, economic integration increases the number of options a state has when responding to policy. It creates competition and encourages governments to provide better services to retain valued businesses (Carayannis et al., 2012). Agreements made with supranational and powerful private organizations with regards to long term policy decisions solidifies a nations credibility and enhances their commitment to the private sector (McGrew, 2004). The rules of the global economy are designed by individual governments (Pinder, 2011). While some states have more political leverage when it comes to formulating international agenda, others need to learn how to influence international policy to their benefit (Carayannis et al., 2012). However, stronger nations have always impacted the internal affairs of weaker nations and weaker nations have always been ready to surrender a part of their sovereignty in return for protection or some other advantage (Hirst et al, 2009). In short, globalization is a product of global strategies (Held et al., 1999). Instead of abandoning their national identity and ambitions, states are building alliances and using agreements with other nations and corporations, both domestically and internationally, to gain more security, tighten immigration and strengthen their economy (Carayannis et al., 2012). While the WTO is sometimes criticized for being biased towards the richer, developed countries and subject to powerful business interests, the majority of WTO member countries are not rich. These developing economies are therefore capable of taking care of their own interests, like when the G20 rejected proposed trade policies in Doha (CLMS, M5 U2). Globalization may have increased transnational collaboration but it has also increased the inequalities between nations that have embraced globalization and those that are struggling with it (Pinder, 2011). The state is the main entity that can reduce these inequalities and can make a difference in a time of economic crisis (Lechner and Boli, 2008). The ability of the state to act, especially in cooperation with international bodies when needed, is essential when addressing global problems. For example, the global financial crisis of 2007 and 2008 began with the mortgage crisis in the USA and spread worldwide (Carayannis et al., 2012). Developed nations coordinated with international entities like the G20 to call for financial reform as well as bailed out some banks in trouble at the national level (BBC News, 2010). The contention that the state is powerless implies that the limits on government capabilities are definite instead of variable. Globalists tend to exaggerate the earlier powers of the state so as to highlight a greater lack of power now (Weiss, 1997). Many of the problems with regards to financial policies like the budget, deficit or being able to fund public programs are primarily due to the recession rather than globalization (Held et al., 1999). The inclination of capitalists to seek the best business environment is not a new phenomenon. States are under pressure to lessen the tax burden and restructure taxes where possible due to the increased mobility of todays capitalists (Pinder, 2011). Globalists believe that this will reduce the states capability to provide high quality social services (Weiss, 1998). However, nations can use differentiated taxes depending on industry to allow themselves to have attractive national policies as well as control the personal tax rate. Weiss (199 7) posits that governments claim of powerlessness is a fallacy promoted by them in order to implement legislation of their choice. An open economy does not automatically reduce government expenditure or size. In fact, open economies are likely to spend more and collect the taxes to do it (The United Nations, 2001). Globalists assert that territory is increasingly irrelevant and international organizations can move between nations to benefit from the most favorable policies (Pinder, 2011). However, there are several advantages to having a strong national base like the cost benefits of regional sourcing and production, strengthening relationships with local associations and institutes as well as subsidies or benefits from national or local governments (Weiss, 1997). Political stability of the state and a strong domestic economy are important for investment and trade. For example, most firms still sell more products domestically and they tend to invest a greater portion of their assets locally (Hirst et al, 2009). In addition, the inputs for a large number of transnational corporations are sourced by national suppliers (The United Nations, 2001). Local and international businesses need states to address their concerns and negotiate better rules for trade and investment (Carayannis et al., 2012). The state defines a peoples identity and most people would be reluctant to give it up. Regardless of the number of non-state organizations that help the drive the states economy and policy, the majority of people will still hold the state responsible for their quality of life and protecting their interests (Cochrane and Pain, 2004). From a social perspective, we see that NGOs seek to support or reform the existing system, not abandon it entirely (McGrew, 2004). While some NGOs like Greenpeace do not accept government funding, many NGOs like Oxfam and Mà ©decins Sans Frontià ¨res (MSF) are dependent on the state for a great deal of government aid (Moore, 2011). Even independent security companies are often hired by the state to enhance their capabilities (Held et al., 1999). We have seen a mix of cultures, like European, Eastern, Asian, Latino among others, that have had a global influence. Historically, cultural interactions have taken place for centuries and local culture has alwa ys remained strong and integrated cultural elements of their choice (Cochrane and Pain, 2004). Technological innovations and faster, cheaper communication has influenced politics, culture, education and social organization. The prevalence of new technology does not negate the effect of the environment, language and customs on people. The generation gap will exist regardless of global media. While some aspects of new technology are liberating, its distribution throughout the world is uneven and is strictly monitored by the government (Mackay, 2004). The state can also use these technological advances to increase their surveillance capabilities and exert further control on its people (Carayannis et al., 2012). A strong democratic state promotes social welfare, institutes means for representation and accountability, funds public services, provides for internal and external security, protects the more vulnerable parts of society and works towards a fairer distribution of the benefits of globalization (Carayannis et al., 2012). It facilitates discussion at various levels and supports a system that helps mediate disputes and resolves conflicts, cultural or otherwise, that evolve in a diverse society. The modern state is moving towards a more regulatory position (The United Nations, 2001). It aims to establish a framework for the private sector and entrepreneurship to succeed. While several of the states functions are being transposed on to supranational organizations or being outsourced to private organizations, the state is still needed to coordinate the planning, negotiating and decision making process among different entities and at various levels of governance (The United Nations, 2001). As we can see, ones understanding of the term nation-state affects how one views the impacts of globalization. Globalists see globalization as a new unstoppable force that is eradicating the nation state and generally consider territorial sovereignty to be crucial. Internationalists see globalization as simply more of the existing conditions and still regard the state as a continuously evolving dominant force. Those that see a transformation in the states roles often differentiate between external and internal sovereignty. However, globalists ignore the power of the nation state as a collective, while internationalists ignore that new technology like the internet has made the state less effective in some of its roles (Carayannis et al., 2012). Transformationalists acknowledge the new trends caused by globalization and the uncertainty of the role of the state, but still believe in the states ability to adapt to these trends. The flexibility of the transformationalist theory allows it to cover different aspects of globalization and makes it the most exhaustive (Cochrane and Pain, 2004). Modern states have the ultimate authority over their citizens (Weiss, 1998). The states role is fundamental in protecting the general interests of its citizens as well as managing the various multilateral and intergovernmental agreements. The United Nations Secretary-General, Kofi Annan (quoted in The United Nations, 2001: 6) stated that the challenges that we confront today are beyond the reach of any State to meet on its own. At the national level we must govern better, and at the international level we must learn to govern better together. Effective States are essential for both tasks, and their capacity for both needs strengthening. Globalization is a choice made by a nation to enhance its economy. The act of making a choice determines that the state cannot be considered powerless (Weiss, 1997). Globalization does not reduce the functions of the state but simply redefines them in response to the changing regional, national and international conditions (The United Nations, 2001). States are learning to adapt to the new environment, co-operate with non state entities to direct their resources as much as possible and retain their influence locally and on an international scale (Lechner and Boli, 2008).

Voice of Houstons Past :: essays papers

Voice of Houstons Past For most of American history, African-Americans have been considered and treated as inferiors. Their folksongs and tales have been benignly looked upon as harmless, meaningless expressions of a dull-witted race whose only contribution to American life was a strong back and a weak mind. Even after the Civil War, the ingrown prejudices continued to relegate the freedmen to the bottom rung of a strict caste ladder. Their folklore was repeatedly ignored or belittled. Only since the coming of black awareness, pioneered by men like W. Dubois and Frederick Douglas, has the African American community realized that their culture is uniquely American and singularly important to the understanding and establishment of the American cultural and artistic scene. It is one of the few elements of their heritage that they can look back on and recognize as valuable in America's development. This is the essence of the black folksongs, stories, and art; they fill a void and force recognition of the African American contribution. These superstitions and folklore from the past demonstrate the influences wielded upon African Americans of today, as well as pave the way for a new form of folklore, which is told through art. In order to effectively illustrate the progression and correlation of early African American folklore and the emergence of a new breed of artist, a specific group of artist all utilizing the same type of art form will be discussed. Therefore, the focus of this paper will be on recent African American artist in Houston, Texas; all of whom utilize place-specific art to convey their images and messages. Before discussing the current art movement, it is vital to understand the history of the superstitions and folklore which are the inspiration for Houston's place-specific art. A Brief History of African American Superstition and Folklore Since their arrival on American soil, African Americans have contributed to our collective culture. Their songs, poems, stories, spirituals, and proverbs, while at times reinforcing the white theory of supremacy, gave them a foundation of identity that was passed from generation to generation. The ghost stories and superstitions are probably the best known examples of early black culture. This is because white men used them as a means to prove the black's innate inferiority to whites. They ignored the obvious fact; all cultures posses similar superstitions, even their own. The problem in collecting and evaluating black folklore is the misinterpretation and lack of understanding of early black dialects. "We must read the transcriptions with some care and occasionally wonder what the white man did when they were confronted by sounds strange to their ears; some tried to transcribe the actual sound, but others, assuming

Geography of Food Paper Essay

The current population is 85 million, of which 83 is Roman Catholic, 9 percent Protestant, 5 percent Muslim, and 3 percent other religions (Dalton, 2007). The country has more than 150 languages and dialects. The main languages are Tagalog, English, Cebuano (spoken in Cebu), Ilocano (north Luzon), Ilonggo (Iloilo), Bicol, Waray (Leyte), Pampango and Pangasinense (both in Luzon) (Dalton, 2007). The major industries of the Philippines are textiles, pharmaceuticals, chemicals, wood products, food processing, electronics assembly, petroleum refining and fishing. Its primary agricultural products include rice, coconuts, corn, sugar cane, bananas, pineapples and mangoes (Dalton, 2007). Below (Figure 1) is a basic map of the Philippines. This map just gives us an idea of the size and location of the Philippines. The country is located in Southeast Asia, north of Malaysia and south of Taiwan. As we can see, the country is made up of many big and small islands. It is considered an archipelago and therefore it is surrounded by various water forms. Figure 1 Basic Map of Philippines Principal Foods Filipino foods are always very rich and diverse in flavour. Food is an integral part of Filipino culture, whether it be social, economic, or even religious. They value food highly and perceive it as a way of bringing families and communities together. Food is a significant facet of Filipino beliefs and traditions, one of which are the customary fiestas often held in various villages around the country. On average, 60% of the total budget is spent on food while 40% goes to non-food items. Among the food items, the largest single item is rice consumption, which takes up about 16% of the total household budget. Around 9% is spent on meat, 7% on vegetables and fruits, 7% on fish and 4% on eggs and dairy products (Fuwa, Marciano, & Reano, 2010, p. 3). Filipino foods are also rich in history and innovation. While its roots are mostly influenced by the multitude of ingredients found naturally in the Philippines, it is also inspired by Chinese, Spanish, Arab, Malay and American cuisines (Roa & Roa). The Chinese people, who came to trade, influenced Filipino wives with their cooking such as pansit (noodles), lumpia (vegetables rolled in edible wrappers), siopao (steamed filled buns), and siomai (dumplings). Then when the Spaniards came, they brought influences from not just Spain but also Mexico. They introduced new flavours and ingredients such as cheese, ham, olive oil, saffron, paprika and cured sausages. They introduced paella, which was a dish cooked in fields by Spanish workers combining pork, chicken, seafood, ham, sausages and vegetables, bangus (silvery milkfish), and ensaymada, which are brioche cakes buttered, sugared and sprinkled with cheese (Alejandro & Fernandez, 1998, p. 8). The most noteworthy influence of Americans on Filipino food culture is fast food, the biggest of which is McDonalds. Before discussing the principal ingredients in Philippines food, we first look into a few of the most common dishes of the country. One of the most popular dishes is adobo, which is braised chicken, pork, beef, or fish cooked in soy sauce, vinegar, garlic and other spices (Roa & Roa). Another favourite is sinigang, which is a boiled sour soup made of fish, shrimps, pork, beef or chicken mixed with vegetables and tamarind leaves (Filipino Foods, 2006). Lechon, a whole roast pig that is slowly roasted over live coals and basted regularly with a tasty sauce created from pig’s liver then simmered with vinegar, sugar and herbs, is a dish that will always be seen in big parties, gatherings, and fiestas. Other common dishes are bistek (beef and onion rings braised in soy sauce), lumpia (spring rolls), pansit (noodles) and the infamous dinuguan (pig blood and innards simmered with vinegar and hot peppers) (Alejandro & Fernandez, 1998). Now we dive deeper and look more specifically into the main ingredients of the national cuisine. From the brief discussion of common dishes above, we can clearly see that meats such as chicken, beef and pork are an important part of the cuisine. However, rice is the staple of country’s food identity and is also the main agricultural crop (Tope & Nonan-Mercado, 2002, p. 117). Rice was planted to over 4 billion hectares producing over 14 billion metric tons in 2005. Rice farming was also the main source of income and employment to 12 million farmers and family members in that year (Altoveros & Borromeo, 2007, p. 19). Meals are not complete for Filipinos unless rice is served with it.

Comparison Between Two Poems By Two Different Poets About London †Wordsworth and Blake Essay

William Blake and William Wordsworth’s poems have influenced people from all over the world by the feelings that each of their poems have expressed, the ability which the poems have of captivating the reader’s attention and the variety of differences each of the poets have with each other as well as the different perspectives each poet sees the world. William Blake as well as being an English poet, was renowned for his artwork and for his engraving. With these fairly random abilities and talents, Blake cold creates a unique from of illustrated verse. Born on the 28th November 1757, as the son of a hosier, Blake grew up as a Londoner and lived in London for the majority of his life where most of his inspiration as an artist in both poetry and painting originated. Beginning his life as a poet at an early age of twelve it is seen that Blake was able to give and show his views of London and its population as both a child and as an adult. Much of his work symbolises religion as many forms of animals and other forms of species. His contradictory view on life with poems like; ‘the Lamb,’ and its other half ‘the Tyger,’ show life and feelings from different perspectives. William Wordsworth was also an English poet who was the most significant of English romantic poets. Born later than Blake on 7th April 1770, he lived in a family of high status unlike Blake. He went to school at Saint John’s College where he was inspired by its places of scenic beauty in his poems. His love for his family also provoked him to write poems also, for example the poem ‘To My Sister.’ Wordsworth never deepened his meanings of his poems as much as Blake but nevertheless did they show lack of depth. The first poem ‘London’ by William Blake tells us only that the poem is about London. It is obviously difficult to make any predictions regarding what the components of the poem are, but it enables the reader to assume that it is a topic Blake considers very seriously. The first line: ‘I wander thro’ each charter’d street†¦Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ more or less points out that the poem is in fact one of Blake’s experiences, as if he himself is telling a story in a lyrical sense. The words: ‘I wander†¦Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ stand out very much compared to the remaining part of the line. It gives the impression that the poem is a personal feeling of maybe angst or depression of the poet about living in a city such as London consisting of a fairly large population that at times it becomes overcrowded and people are unable to withstand themselves from feeling the same depression as their neighbours would feel. Or perhaps, because of living in the city for so long Blake had witnessed the sadness of his fellow Londoners as the words: ‘And mark in every face I see Marks of weakness, marks of woe†¦Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ indicate. The technique of which is considerable effective and a tactful approach used by Blake so the reader does not suffer from boredom by usage of the invariable words. The pun of the repetitive word ‘mark’ or ‘marks’, means in the first line it is used, that Blake had noticed the emotions revealed by the Londoners’ faces and taken into account from indication in the second line the signs of weakness and woe that seemed to burden ‘every face’ he saw. His creativity of maybe exaggerating what he truthfully had seen also ‘marks’ the reader with the same weaknesses and woes that can felt by the people being described in the poem. The next two verses become even more depressing and unfold into a deepening pessimistic view of London and its inhabitants. Blake still exaggerates his views on London, for example: ‘every Man†¦Ã¢â‚¬â„¢, ‘every Infant’s†¦Ã¢â‚¬â„¢, ‘every voice†¦Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ This overemphasis of these nouns also brings out the imagery of the scene about every person feeling what is said in the poem. However the most emphasis is on the line: ‘The mind forg’d manacles I hear.’ This is a good technique used by Blake as the word ‘manacles’ means a device for shackling the hands or something that confines or restrains. In this part of the poem however, Blake indicates that he hears ‘mind forg’d manacles’ which in this poem signifies that he was probably being pinned down or handcuffed in his mind symbolising in a way a form of depression because of the unhappiness which he saw and he himself felt from the cries of men, and the cry of fear of infants and the voices of bans. The third verse continues the form of dramatic melancholy with the words: ‘How the Chimney-sweeper’s cry Every black’ning Church appals;’ Refers to only one chimney sweep and not ‘every’ chimney sweep, as was the case at the beginning of the poem. Religion is brought into the poem here by references to the Church. However, these churches are portrayed as quite the opposite to what we would probably expect in the twenty-first century. In this poem, Blake conveys them to appal the cry of the Chimney sweep rather than show concern for the boy. Where it says ‘black’ning Church’, Blake could be trying to show that the churches were turning a blind eye to the suffering population of London as the colour black is usually associated with and symbolises death and hard-heartedness in our society. The remaining lines of the third verse which draws attention to soldiers could imply that Blake was trying to link together the suffering of people to the ‘Seven Year War’ which had affected Great Britain greatly during Blake’s period. In this particular part of the verse, Blake indicates that maybe the number of people suffering extends to the outskirts and beyond London. The last lines of the verse: ‘And in hapless Soldier’s sight Runs in blood down Palace walls.’ is a good use of imagery used by Blake. It is obvious that the blood, which runs down the Palace walls, is the blood of the dying or dead soldiers. The reason for this particular image is that Blake is trying to suggest that the blood being on the walls of the Palace is another way of conveying that the soldiers of the war had been the Palace’s responsibility and them dying had caused them to be guilty of their deaths and the blood horrifyingly reveals this. The last verse of the poem seems to portray a very enigmatic view to the reader. It brings the poem to a tense end. Words of destruction are used in this verse, for example: ‘Blasts’ and ‘blights’. This verse tells more of a story than the other verses. It seems to depict the story of a young prostitute ‘a youthful Harlot’ who owns a child of whom she causes to cry and for this reason, as well as her ‘plagues’, which could indicate a sexually transmitted disease, she cannot marry and so Blake uses the last words: ‘Marriage hearse’ showing that she has no chance in marriage because of her problems. The poem written by William Wordsworth portrays a completely different view to that of William Blake. The poem is considerably optimistic and, unlike the disturbing story Blake was articulating, Wordsworth was giving a description or his account of London and the view with which he could write a poem with. As Wordsworth was a poet who was inspired to write poetry from his love of nature it seemed only a natural thing to do to write an account on what he saw of London while on a coach to France. The main difference to Blake’s poem on London was Wordsworth’s opening line: ‘EARTH has not anything to show more fair:’ in which he seems also to exaggerate what he sees as Blake had but in a sanguine manner. as Blake also had done, Wordsworth had used imagery about what he saw of London. He uses rich words to portray a more regal city than that of what Blake saw, for example: ‘majesty,’ ‘glittering,’ ‘bright,’ ‘smokeless,’ ‘beautifully,’ and ‘mighty heart.’ The imagery that he used was: ‘This City now doth, like a garment†¦.’ which indicates that like a dress on a woman fits well, the beauty of the City of London also fits the scenery which Wordsworth saw. He had probable seen the City in the morning when everything had been quiet as the words: ‘Ne’er saw I, never felt, a calm so deep!’ Many people across the world even in the time of Wordsworth would hardly ever refer to London as being calm. The description of nouns and some by adjectives such as: ‘Ships,’ ‘towers,’ ‘domes,’ ‘theatres,’ ‘temples,’ ‘smokeless air,’ and ‘river glideth,’ create a clam and sweet mood. The poem is not so much created by the people who live in the City but only of what Wordsworth had seen which then makes the poem unreliable if the reader wants to find out about what the people who live in his poems are like. He talks also to God about the splendours that he sees and how calm he seems to think London is. ‘Dear God! The very houses seem asleep; And all that mighty heart is lying still!’ This indicates that Wordsworth may believe that London is a place where there is opportunity. In some cases this can be agreed but in others it just shows how much a look can deceive. The poem which affected me most was the poem by Blake. The interesting parts of the difference of these poems were that they were written at different times, Blake’s before Wordsworth’s, and that they both emphasised on different things. Wordsworth’s poem even though very descriptive and managing to capture the reader’s imagination was not as effective as Blake’s because Blake showed more of an insight to London which many of us in our society would and will never see. The way in which he was able to tell the story of only a few people’s lives yet it seemed it was happening to everybody was equally effective. Hi use of imagery and puns made the reader think more about what he was feeling and how he was seeing London more than Wordsworth’s poem. Another interesting perspective of these two poems was the fact that how much the view of a person living in London could differ so much from an outsider looking into the city.

Gustaf Kossinna [1858-1931] - Mapping the Nazis Empire

Gustaf Kossinna [1858-1931] - Mapping the Nazis' Empire Gustaf Kossinna [1858-1931] (sometimes spelled Gustav) was a German archaeologist and ethnohistorian who is widely perceived as having been a tool of the archaeology groupie and Nazi Heinrich Himmler, although Kossinna died during Hitlers rise to power. But thats not the whole story. Educated as a philologist and linguist at the University of Berlin, Kossinna was a late convert to prehistory and an ardent supporter and promoter of the Kulturkreise movement- the explicit definition of cultural history for a given area. He was also a proponent for Nordische Gedanke (Nordic Thought), which could be crudely summarized as real Germans are descended from the pure, original Nordic race and culture, a chosen race who must fulfill their historical destiny; no one else should be allowed in. Becoming an Archaeologist According to a recent (2002) biography by Heinz Grà ¼nert, Kossinna was interested in ancient Germans throughout his career, although he started out as a philologist and historian. His principal teacher was Karl Mullenhoff, a professor of German philology specializing in Germanic Prehistory at the University of Berlin. In 1894 at the age of 36, Kossinna made the decision to switch to prehistoric archaeology, introducing himself to the field by giving a lecture on the history of archaeology at a conference in Kassel in 1895, which actually didnt go very well. Kossinna believed that there were only four legitimate fields of study in archaeology: the  history of the Germanic tribes, the  origin of the Germanic peoples and the mythical Indo-Germanic homeland, archaeological verification of the philological division into east and west Germanic groups, and distinguishing between ​Germanic and Celtic tribes. By the start of the Nazi regime, that narrowing of the field had become a reality. Ethnicity and Archaeology Wedded to the Kulturkreis theory, which identified geographical regions with specific ethnic groups on the basis of material culture, Kossinnas philosophical bent lent theoretical support to the expansionist policies of Nazi Germany. Kossinna built an unarguably immense knowledge of archaeological material, in part by painstakingly documenting prehistoric artifacts in museums in several European countries. His most famous work was 1921s German Prehistory: A Pre-Eminently National Discipline. His most infamous work was a pamphlet published at the end of World War I, right after the new state of Poland was carved out of the German Ostmark. In it, Kossinna argued that Pomeranian face-urns found in Polish sites around the Vistula river were a Germanic ethnic tradition, and so Poland rightfully belonged to Germany. The Cinderella Effect Some scholars attribute the willingness of scholars like Kossinna to abandon all other archaeologies under the Nazi regime except for German prehistory to the Cinderella effect. Before the war, prehistoric archaeology suffered in comparison to classical studies: there was a general lack of funds, inadequate museum space, and an absence of academic chairs dedicated to German prehistory. During the Third Reich, high governmental officials in the Nazi party offered their gratifying attention, but also eight new chairs in German prehistory, unprecedented funding opportunities, and new institutes and museums. In addition, the Nazis funded open air museums dedicated to German studies, produced archaeological film series, and actively recruited amateur organizations using a call to patriotism. But thats not what drove Kossinna: he died before all of that came true. Kossinna began reading, writing, and speaking about Germanic racist nationalist theories in the 1890s, and he became an avid supporter of racist nationalism at the end of World War I. By the late 1920s, Kossinna made a  connection with Alfred Rosenberg, who would become minister of culture in the Nazi Government. The upshot of Kossinnas work was a blossoming of emphasis on the prehistory of the Germanic peoples. Any archaeologist who did not study the prehistory of the Germanic people was derided; by the 1930s, the main society devoted to Roman provincial archaeology in Germany was considered anti-German, and its members came under attack. Archaeologists who did not conform to the Nazi idea of proper archaeology saw their careers ruined, and many were ejected from the country. It could have been worse: Mussolini killed hundreds of archaeologists who didnt obey his dictates about what to study. The Nazi ideology Kossinna equated ceramic traditions and ethnicity  since he believed that pottery was most often the result of indigenous cultural developments rather than trade. Using the tenets of settlement archaeology- Kossinna was a pioneer in such studies- he drew maps showing the supposed cultural boundaries of the Nordic/Germanic culture, which extended over nearly all Europe, based on textual and toponymic evidence. In this manner, Kossinna was instrumental in creating the ethno-topography which became the Nazi map of Europe. There was not uniformity among the high priests of Nazism, however: Hitler mocked Himmler for focusing on the mud huts of the Germanic people; and while party prehistorians like Reinerth distorted the facts, the SS destroyed sites like Biskupin in Poland. As Hitler put it, all we prove by that is that we were still throwing stone hatchets and crouching around open fires when Greece and Rome had already reached the highest stage of culture. Political Systems and Archaeology As archaeologist Bettina Arnold has pointed out, political systems are expedient when it comes to their support of research that presents the past to the public: their interest is usually in a usable past. She adds that abuse of the past for political purposes in the present is not restricted to obviously totalitarian regimes like Nazi Germany. To that I would add: political systems are expedient when it comes to their support of any science: their interest is usually in a science that says what the politicians want to hear and not when it doesnt do that. Sources Arnold B. 1990. The past as propaganda: totalitarian archaeology in Nazi Germany. Antiquity 64(244):464-478.Arnold B. 1998. The power of the past: Nationalism and archaeology in 20th century Germany. Archaeologia Polona 35-36:237-253.Arnold B. 2006. ‘Arierdmmerung’: race and archaeology in Nazi Germany. World Archaeology 38: Race, Racism and Archaeology (1):8-31.Boudou E. 2005. Kossinna meets the Nordic Archaeologists. Current Swedish Archaeology 13(121-139).Cornell P, Borelius U, Kresa D, and Backlund T. 2007-2008. Kossinna, the Nordische Gedanke, and Swedish Archaeology. Current Swedish Archaeology 15-16:37-59.Curta F. 2007. Some remarks on ethnicity in medieval archaeology. Early Medieval Europe 15(2):159-185.Fehr H. 2002. Review of Gustaf Kossinna (1858–1931), Vom Germanisten zum Prhistoriker, Ein Wissenschaftler im Kaiserreich und in der Weimarer Republik, by Heinz Grà ¼nert. Bulletin of the History of Archaeology 14(1):27-30.Mees B. 2000. Và ¶lkische Altno rdistik: The Politics of Nordic Studies in the German-Speaking Countries, 1926-45. Old Norse Myths, Literature and Society: 11th International Saga Conference 2–7 July 2000, University of Sydney: Centre for Medieval Studies, University of Sydney Sydney. p 316-326. Rebay-Salisbury KC. 2011. Thoughts in Circles: Kulturkreislehre as a Hidden Paradigm in Past and Present Archaeological Interpretations. In: Roberts BW, and Vander Linden M, editors. Investigating Archaeological Cultures: Material Culture, Variability, and Transmission. New York, NY: Springer New York. p 41-59.

Heroin essays

Heroin essays The sale and distribution of heroin in the United States has been growing tremendously in the past decade. I always knew that colombia was known for its fierce cocaine and heroin reputation and that the United States main provider of these drugs was colombia. After reading this article i found out that 48% of other heroin comes from Southeast asia, southwest asia and mexico. The most pure and genuine heroin comes from Colombia. This is a very scary issue in the United States these druglords and drug traffickers are rotting our streets and our youths lives. I think that the Unites States government should uphold a more precise way of capturing these druglords and traffickers. Crossing borders should become a more inconvient process, checking in at customs at internatinal airports should strengthen their security checks. Every single airport should know where an airplane is coming from, whther its a private jet or commercial, the majority of heroin and cocaine are transported through air. I think that possesion of either drug shold have a more severe punishment. By strengething our security and making our drug laws and punishments more severe I think that in about 10 years drug sales and trafficking will reduce to about 50%. Another issue that people talk about and government is even considering is to make these drugs legal. By doing this it puts the druglords out of business and less people would go to jail. There are pros and cons for either situation. American society should know what their doing. By making their lives more miserable they are making these druglords even richer. This is their view on American society, a weak country whos streets are rottening and economy going out of wack trying to figure out whos doing this to their people. ...

1988 Presidential election

Bush and Dukakis 1988 presidential election On November 8, 1988, George H. Bush candidate was elected President of the 41st United States President. President Bush beat Democrat Challenger Governor Michael Dukakis at a ratio of 6 to 5. 49 million people voted for Bush, 426 people voted for the election, 42 million people voted for Ducakis and 112 elections took place. Strangely, even those who did not run for the presidential election won the election vote; Lloyd Bentosen (Democratic Vice Presidential candidate) won the election vote in West Virginia. In the Democratic Party that appeared after President George H. Bush in Republican victory in the 1988 presidential election, the centralist Democratic Party, or the New Democratic Party, was an ideological arbitrator. Following the transition of the American people to more political rights, the party occupied the party for about 20 years since the end of the 1980s. They are represented by organizations such as New Democratic Party and New Democratic Party. In the presidential election, Massachusetts supported the Republican Party from 1916 to 1924 until 1912, 1950s, 1980s, and 1984. From 1988 to 2004, the state supported the Democratic presidential candidate. In the general election in 1972, Massachusetts State was the only province to provide election votes to Democratic candidate George McGovern. The Economic Analysis Department estimates that the total production in Massachusetts State in 2005 is $ 325 billion. The per capita income per capita in 2005 was 3rd, 43,402 dollars, after Connecticut and New Jersey. From 2004 to 2005, the country 's gross output increased by 2.6%, below the national average of 3.5%. The death penalty was a remarkable problem during the 1988 presidential election. It appeared in the debate between two presidential candidates George HW Bush and Michael Dukakis on 13th October 1988, and the moderator of discussion, Bernard Shaw, in Dukakis Governor, Murderer Dukakis replied, No, I think I know that I opposed the death penalty throughout my life, I have never seen it. President Bush elected Many people, including Dukakis himself, used this statement as their campaign, I think there is a better, more effective way to deal with violent crime. Beginning of the event